NIGERIA BACKGROUND INFORMATION

Standard 11

Patterns and Networks of Economic Interdependence in Nigeria

Introduction

This essay focuses on the economic geography of Nigeria. One of the fundamental concepts of economic geographic, and indeed all geography, is scale. This essay examines the different scales of economic activity within Nigeria and between Nigeria and other parts of the world. While many Nigerians do not immediately perceive all of their roles in the global economy, the geographic aspects of Nigeria’s economic activities are important for both them and us. Although it is difficult to separate distinct geographic scales of economic activity, this essay looks at the international, national, and local scales of economic activity in separate sections. Before discussing the contemporary scene, however, it is important to provide a historical-geographical context for modern day Nigeria. This is mainly due to the important legacies of European colonial rule.

Nigeria in the Global Economy

Historical International Economic Connections

As indicated in the section on historical geography (standard 17), non-Africans sometimes fail to appreciate the historic connections between Africa and other parts of the world. Long before Europeans came to Nigeria and other parts of Africa, international and intercontinental trade existed. The kola nut, which is produced in the humid southern region of Nigeria, is one product that was historically traded over long distances. It was one of the products involved in the trans-Saharan trade with the Mediterranean. Cowry shells provide another example of the historic trade connections between Nigeria and the rest of the world. This small shell was used as a currency throughout much of West Africa. Interestingly though, cowry shells are only found off the Maldives, a group of Indian Ocean Islands thousands of miles away from Nigeria. Hence, the only way that these shells arrived in Nigeria was through interaction with other parts of the world.

After Europeans began visiting West Africa in the middle of the fifteenth century, the slave trade became one of the most important connections between Nigeria, Europe, and the Americas. Even though slavery was a brutal form of commerce, it was a form of "trade." African slave merchants received such products as cloth, horses, and weapons for their human cargoes. In the nineteenth century, the external slave trade slowly came to a halt. Instead of slaves, Nigeria and West Africa more generally became an important region of oil production. This was not the same kind of oil that Nigeria produces in large quantities today. This was oil primarily derived from palm trees and secondarily from groundnuts. For a time, West Africa was the major supplier of European oil imports. As with many agricultural export commodities, however, competition soon arose in other parts of the world. After a period of near-monopoly regional production, the region’s superiority in the production of oils declined in the face of competition from American soybeans and southern Asian plantations. In the colonial period, other crops like groundnuts, cocoa, and rubber became important export crops in Nigeria. Cocoa and groundnuts remain important exports today, although their relative importance is dwarfed by petroleum, the new oil export product. Non-diversified export production is a reminder of the important role that colonial legacies continue to play in the economic development of Nigeria. The next section examines some of these legacies, illustrating how Nigeria’s situation is similar to other African countries that experienced European colonialism.

Legacies of Colonialism

The broad theme of colonial development was dependence. In general terms, colonies such as Nigeria served as a source of raw materials and as markets for European countries. In geographical terms, this meant that raw materials were shipped to Britain, processed into finished products, and finally shipped back to Nigeria for consumption. Instead of promoting domestic development of industry, Britain and other colonial powers pursued non-diversified economic policies. Under this neo-mercantilist system, the goal was to develop colonies that were dependent on the colonizing country for manufactured products like machinery.

Another legacy of colonial rule is directly evident on the contemporary map of Nigeria. Roads and railways were built to facilitate transportation of raw materials and products to the coast (see case study from standard 3). This is a similar pattern that exists in many former African colonies. Transportation routes funnel into the major port or ports, facilitating international trade but neglecting domestic commerce. And, in countries like Nigeria, whose neighboring colonies were occupied by a different colonial power, transportation infrastructure was poorly developed between Nigeria and its surrounding countries. This pattern has tended to isolate African countries from one another. Ironically, pre-colonial trade networks between African states were in existence throughout much of the continent. Under colonialism many of the new transportation, communication, and economic linkages were established between individual colonies and European countries. Networks of transportation and communication were focused toward the coast and towards Europe. These developments have consequences for contemporary African countries. In many cases, infrastructure between African countries and European countries is better developed than that between African countries. For example, if one wants to make a phone call from one West African country to another, the phone call might have to be routed through London, Paris, or both, before the connection is made. Another consequence is that railroad and highway networks, which are critical for international trade, are poorly developed. Instead of taking more direct routes between two points within West Africa, one might have to drive a much longer route, which involves a great deal of back-tracking.

Economic Dependence, Marginalization and the International World System

Nigeria is a poor country by any economic measure. With the exception of the 1970s and the early 1980s, Nigeria’s post-independence economic record has been dismal. The following summary from the World Bank gives the broad state of the Nigerian economy today:

Nigeria’s economy is highly dependent on the oil sector, which accounts for about 50 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) and accounts for 95 percent of the country’s foreign exchange earnings. With its large reserve of human and natural resources, Nigeria has the potential to build a highly prosperous economy, to reduce poverty significantly, and to provide the health, education, and infrastructure services its population needs. Despite the country’s relative oil wealth, poverty is widespread and Nigeria’s basic social indicators place it among the 20 poorest countries in the world.

As the passage indicates, oil is the lifeblood of the Nigerian economy. While oil provides the overwhelming majority of government revenues and one-half of the country’s GDP, the oil sector employs a relatively small number of Nigerians. This is because oil production is capital-intensive and requires relatively little human labor. In contrast, agriculture in Nigeria is a highly labor-intensive activity that employs many people, but produces relatively little in terms of total economic output. High proportional employment in Agriculture relates to another dimension of the Nigerian economy, industry.

Nigeria and Africa generally have a low level of industrialization. In the post-independence period, most African industrial sectors have either stagnated or declined. Because of this fact, Nigeria must import most of its manufactured products from other countries. There is nothing intrinsically wrong with depending on foreign imports, but in the case of many poor African countries like Nigeria, the export earnings needed for imports are often insufficient. This is because most African countries, including Nigeria, export unfinished raw materials. This means that there is little value added to products before they are shipped to international markets. It also means that these countries’ export earnings are subject to volatile world commodity markets. On top of these disadvantages, many countries depend on one to three export commodities for the bulk of their foreign exchange earnings. Nigeria is perhaps the best African example of this economic reality. Since the 1970s, Nigeria has been almost wholly dependent on oil exports for its foreign exchange earnings. Because of the reasons cited above, many African countries have experienced declining terms of trade during the last few decades of the twentieth century. That is, these countries received relatively less for their exports compared to the prices that they paid for imports.

Declining terms of trade is not simply an abstract concept for many Nigerians. More expensive foreign products have had a tremendous impact in many areas of life. Many of these impacts are readily evident in the Nigerian landscape. Transportation, for example, is one area that has been dramatically impacted by Nigeria’s marginalization within the global economy. The consequences for transportation have been particularly severe since Nigeria imports almost all of its cars and trucks. Aside from one Volkswagen plant that has produced vehicles on and off, Nigeria has no domestic production of automobiles. This is a good illustration of the limited industrial development within sub-Saharan Africa as a whole. Lack of domestic auto production is particularly troublesome for Nigeria, since it is one of the few African countries with a domestic market large enough to profitably produce cars and trucks. Nonetheless, Nigeria continues to depend on cars made mainly in Europe and Japan. Peugeots, Toyotas, and Hondas, all foreign imports, are the universal brands of Nigerian cars. Because Nigeria must import the cars and trucks it needs for economic growth, it is dependent on world commodity markets (i.e. oil, cocoa, etc.) for its foreign exchange earnings. When foreign exchange (i.e. dollars, pounds, etc.) is scarce, however, it becomes much more expensive to import goods like cars and car parts. This scenario occurred in the 1980s and 1990s. After the international decline in oil prices of the early 1980s, Nigeria’s foreign exchange reserves fell dramatically. During this crisis period, and indeed, into the present day, few Nigerians have been able to afford new or relatively new cars. Because of the high price of cars, used cars that are often fifteen to twenty-five years old are common in the country. Many used cars that would have been abandoned in affluent countries have been kept and maintained. In addition, a used car trade has developed between Nigeria and Europe. Old European cars that would likely have little market in Europe are shipped to Nigeria where they are used for many more years.

The case of cars illustrates the growing marginalization of Africa in the global trading system. While many people talk about "globalization" in rather general terms, it is important to differentiate what is really meant by the notion of global economic integration. Specifically, it is important to know which parts of the world are involved in "globalization." In our study of Nigeria, it is important to understand what roles Nigeria plays in the global economy. In more realistic terms, in what ways are Nigeria and Africa more generally, marginal to the operation of the world economy? Contrary to many people’s conceptions of global prosperity and global connectedness, "globalization" is clearly leaving some parts of the world behind. Africa is the largest of these regions that is being left behind. The growing marginality of Africa is evident in statistics of international trade. The continent’s proportion of world exports declined from an already small figure of 2.5 percent in 1970 to less than 1.2 percent in the early 1990s. In addition, "Africa’s share of the world’s primary commodity markets (excluding oil) has fallen from 7 percent to 3 percent over the past two decades." While the first statistic indicates that Africa’s importance in international trade is diminishing, the latter statistic shows that Africa’s traditional exports, unfinished raw materials, are also on the decline (at least in relative terms). Both indicate a difficult economic future for both Nigeria and Africa as a whole.

Another dimension of Africa’s marginality is communications. Africa is one of the least "connected" places in terms of global communications infrastructure. As the economies of the developed world increasingly become information-driven, it remains to be seen what role Africa will play in the fast-paced, highly connected information economy. At the present time, places like Nigeria are poorly positioned for success in the information economy. One reason is education. Many African countries lack the educational resources that are available to students in other parts of the world. Another key liability is communications infrastructure. While people in the developed world are currently talking about Internet connectivity rates, most African nations still suffer from low telephone availability. Thus, it is easy to see that Internet availability is extremely low in countries with poorly developed telephone networks. This is not to say that the World Wide Web has not been important for some people in Nigeria and Africa. In many cities, private email services have been established. These businesses function in ways similar to regular post offices. Customers visit the email station to send messages. Customers typically pay by the message, eliminating the need for their own computer or phone line. In this way, people in Nigeria can keep in touch with friends or relatives both inside and outside. It should be emphasized, however, that this service is extremely expensive for most people. Because of this, it is better to think of email as luxury service, only available to a small minority.

In the case of Nigeria, global connectedness is also hampered by the irregularity of electrical power. If you were to visit Nigeria, you would very quickly discover that the power goes on and off quite frequently. Most businesses or residences that can afford it have their own generators. One consequence of poor power supply is loss of foreign investment. Companies that otherwise would have invested in Nigeria may decide not to based on this factor alone. This point provides an entryway for a discussion of why Nigeria is so poor relative to other countries of the world. Apart from the discussion of colonial legacies, we have devoted very little attention to this subject.

Why is Nigeria so poor?

As you might expect, answering this question is a complex task. This essay only provides a brief summary of the most important factors in Nigeria’s poverty. Some of the key factors contributing to Nigeria’s poverty are political corruption, poor state policies, and international constraints. Since the last factor has already been discussed to some degree, the focus will be on the first two factors. At the outset, it is important to note the connections that this section has with other standards. For example, standard 13, which deals with the political geography of Nigeria, is closely related to this section. Standard 9, which deals with demography, and migration in particular, also has close connections with this section.

In the post-independence period, Nigeria has had a string of military dictatorships. Given the authoritarian nature of British colonial, we should not be surprised that dictatorship has persisted in the independence period. One of the most damaging aspects of these military governments is their corruption. In fact, Nigeria is infamously known as one of the most corrupt countries in the entire world. This, of course, does little to attract foreign investors. The other important consequence of corruption has been a poor domestic economy. Many government officials have been much more concerned with their personal wealth and status than with the overall welfare of the country. Thus, instead of serving as a stimulus to economic development and social welfare, the Nigerian government has often served as a barrier to progress. A good example of political corruption is the awarding of government construction contracts. Under military regimes, these contracts were often uncompetitively awarded to friends or relatives of top leaders. Projects like roadways or public buildings often had huge cost over-runs, which profited government cronies, but did little to benefit the average Nigerian. In some cases, government projects were never completed, the money simply looted.

The second major factor in Nigeria’s poverty is poor economic policies. Specifically, the Nigerian economy is too heavily dependent on oil and agriculture. As noted in an earlier section, non-diversification is partly a result of colonial development policies. In the post-independence period, however, the Nigerian state has done very little to wean the country from its reliance on oil. This is particularly true after the mid-1970s. Instead of investing oil revenues in other economic sectors, these revenues were mostly squandered on corruption or extravagant foreign consumption goods. After oil prices fell sharply in the early 1980s, Nigeria had very little to show for its brief period of relative prosperity. Worse still, the government had neglected the agricultural sector during this period. Even today, Nigerian agriculture continues to be a low productivity, labor-intensive sector. Approximately two-thirds of Nigerians continue to depend on agriculture for their primary livelihood. Thus, with a stagnant agricultural sector and an unpredictable oil sector, it is easy to see why Nigeria faces many economic challenges in the future. This is particularly relevant as the country’s population continues to increase at a relatively fast rate of growth.

Nigerian Regional Development

The previous section focused mainly on Nigeria’s position in the global economy. It also addressed some of the reasons for Nigeria’s poverty. This section lowers the geographic scale of analysis, focusing on regional development within Nigeria. There are different ways to focus on regional development. One way is to focus on the conceptual regions of rural and urban areas. Another approach is to look at specific geographical regions in greater detail. In this section, both approaches are used. The rural-urban approach is used first.

Rural and Urban Economies

In general terms, the rural sector can be associated with agriculture, while the urban economic sector can be associated with commerce and industry. Nonetheless, it is important to understand the economic linkages between rural and urban areas. Throughout Nigeria’s post-independence history, the country has experienced persistent urban bias. This means that economic development has occurred far faster in urban areas than in rural areas. It also means that public resources have disproportionately gone to the cities. Government policy is the major factor behind urban bias. Because urban residents have more political power, they often benefit more from government policies. In Nigeria, urban bias has involved many different aspects of economic and social development. Schools and health facilities are often better in urban areas. In addition, rural areas have witnessed a general lack of investment in agriculture. This is partly because oil revenues allow the country to import a great deal of food. Instead of investing in Nigerian food production, the state has chosen to neglect domestic food production relative to other economic priorities (including the enrichment of government leaders). The following chart gives some insight into rural and urban living conditions.

Households with:
Rural
Urban
Electric lighting
21%
90%
Flush toilets
3%
42%
Cement floor
60%
90%
Piped water
5%
56%
Radio
60%
86%
Television
10%
55%
Car
4%
13%

This is not to say that food production is a minor economic activity in Nigeria. Low productivity in the agricultural sector has meant that a high percentage of Nigeria’s people must still be employed in agriculture. This is a similar pattern in sub-Saharan Africa as a whole, where two-thirds of the labor force is employed in agriculture. Here it is important to point out that many Nigerian farmers are semi-subsistence producers. While they grow food and other crops for the market, many of them also consume much of they produce. Economic instability and insecurity is one reason why many people in Nigeria and Africa continue to rely on semi-subsistence production. As long as people have access to land, they are often assured of food to eat. In countries like Nigeria, disinvestment in agriculture and declining incentives to producers have resulted in major production shortfalls. These deficits in production have been resolved by importing vast quantities of food. In this regard, "Africa has become by far the largest per capita importer of food globally and, as well, the largest per capita recipient of food aid." In the case of Nigeria, this is ironic in that unemployment remains high and a large amount of arable land is available for cultivation. The problem of food production in Nigeria is not one of environmental problems or overpopulation. Rather, political and economic factors have led to poor performance in the agricultural sector. Nonetheless, agriculture continues to employ the overwhelming percentage of Nigeria’s people. We shall now turn to some of the specifics of Nigeria’s agricultural sector, addressing both farming and pastoralism.

Mixed farming (i.e. the raising of both crops and animals) is relatively rare in sub-Saharan Africa. Most people involved in agriculture specialize in either crop production or raising animals. This is partly because Africa is a region of extreme rainfall variation. While some areas possess superabundant rainfall, others are extremely deficient. In regions of low rainfall, those with a short rainy season are well suited to the grazing of animals. These regions are not only marginal for many types of farming; they also produce highly nutritious grasses for livestock. In addition, drier regions possess fewer livestock diseases like trypanosomiasis.

Pastoralism in Nigeria, and indeed West Africa, is dominated by one ethnolinguistic group, the Fulani (also known as Fulbe or Peul). Fulani pastoralists reside in the arid grasslands of West Africa just south of the Sahara Desert. Many of the Fulani migrate seasonally to take advantage of better pasturelands. Indeed, "the Fulbe [Fulani] family has been described as a herd-owning and milk-selling enterprise." This description indicates the economic linkages that Fulani pastoralists have with other parts of society. Many herders sell milk to buy grains produced by sedentary farmers. There are other ways that the Fulani interact with farmers. Some wealthy farmers entrust their animals to the care of Fulani herders in exchange for some of the animals’ milk or other payments. Pastoralists may also contract with farmers to fertilize their fields. During this process, animals are allowed to graze field stubble in exchange for the manure that they leave on the field.

Crop production is strongly associated with environmental variation. In the drier North, grain crops are dominant. The most common grains grown in northern Nigeria and the Middle Belt region are sorghum and millet. These two grains are also the primary grains of the majority of Africa. Maize (corn) is a key secondary grain. In southern Nigeria, root crops like yams and cassava are dominant. These agricultural products are mainly food crops for domestic consumption. Major cash crops for domestic consumption include kola nuts, palm oil, and groundnuts. International cash crops include cocoa, and rubber.

Poor performance in the rural sector would not be so damaging if the urban economy were more successful. As pointed out in the previous section, industrial development in Nigeria has also stagnated in the post-independence period. Most people who live in the cities do not work in factories or industry. While it is true that very little large-scale industry exists in Nigeria’s cities, there is a great deal of smaller-scale activity. Typical products include cinder blocks, textiles, and pottery. Many urban people also find jobs in the informal sector, working as small-scale traders or miscellaneous service providers. Because Nigeria has few large commercial stores, many people are able to find work buying and selling goods. Included within this group are many children. Children often walk city streets, carrying trays of commercial and agricultural products for sale.

Regional development: the North and the South

Nigeria’s individual regions have different economic characteristics and functions. For example, the Niger Delta is a major oil-producing region. Port Harcourt and Lagos are the two major international ports. Kano is a major center of leather working and cloth dyeing. While these differences are important, this section focuses on two broad, highly generalized regions, the North and the South. Specifically, this section discusses why southern Nigeria has been relatively more prosperous in the post-independence period. Much of this discussion takes us back to colonial period.

During the era of British colonialism, northern Nigeria and southern Nigeria were ruled under different systems. Because of this colonial policy, southern and northern Nigeria have had different cultural and economic histories. In exchange for the cooperation of northern elites, the British kept Christian missionaries out of the North and allowed northern leaders to retain control over many cultural and economic policies. This was not the case in southern Nigeria. Christian missionaries and western education were much more pervasive in this part of Nigeria. These differences have influenced, though not determined, the development of these regional economies. One of the major differences between the regions has been that southerners have dominated much of the country’s intellectual life. A second major consequence is that the role of women in the economy differs between northern and southern Nigeria. For example, many Yoruba women in southwestern Nigeria are very active in trading. In contrast, few, if any, Muslim women are engaged in such public economic activities. Another example is the use of credit. Credit is more restricted in northern Nigeria because of the provision in Islamic law against earning interest. Another consequence is that English tends to be more widely spoken in southern Nigeria. This may become increasingly more important if Nigeria becomes more integrated into English-based processes of globalization.

Another reason why economic development has historically been more advanced in the South region’s proximity to the coast. While we can never deterministically state that a coastal location will bring greater relative prosperity, it is clear that it has been one factor in the economic development of Nigeria. Coastal location was important in the colonial period. It is here that many of Nigeria’s largest cities, ports, and industries developed. Parts of the coastal region also received greater relative infrastructural investment from the colonial government. This included things like railway lines, roads, communications, and electricity grids. Coastal location is still important in the contemporary era. Until the early 1990s, most federal government offices were concentrated in Lagos. Some of these functions have moved to the new capital of Abuja, but Lagos continues to be the dominant city of the country.

These are only two reasons why southern Nigeria is relatively more prosperous than northern Nigeria. Whatever the reasons for the socioeconomic disparities that exist between northern and southern Nigeria, these differences have an impact on many aspects of Nigeria’s geography. The country’s internal politics are impacted by the disparity. Migration flows within Nigeria are affected by this uneven development. Landscapes of local places are also impacted by these differences. For example, overall level of economic development affects the way that people get from one place to another. In the rural areas of the North, Nigerians are much more dependent on bicycles for transportation. This is partly due to the more open landscape of the North, but it is also due to the higher relative cost of cars in the North. This section has focused on uneven regional development within Nigeria. The next section turns the discussion toward internal trade between Nigerian regions, emphasizing a few important examples.

Trade within Nigeria

The Nigerian economy relies heavily on agricultural production. As noted in other places (standard 4, standard 14), however, agricultural production is not uniform throughout the country. Instead, Nigeria has regional specialization of agricultural production. This specialization and the interdependence of regions helps bind the country together both politically and economically. Three examples of this regional specialization in production are yams, kola nuts, and market gardening. Each will be examined briefly.

The yam is a tuber that is grown mainly in the humid southern part of Nigeria. It is the most popular of all basic food crops in many parts of the South. Not all parts of southern Nigeria produce enough yams for internal consumption, however. In addition, any yams desired in northern Nigeria must come from the root crop region of the country. For several reasons listed below, the Middle Belt is the major surplus-producing yam region in Nigeria. First, the Middle Belt is a relatively sparsely populated part of the country, capable of producing marketable surpluses. Second, this region of the country has sufficient rainfall to support yams. In addition, the Middle Belt does not produce that many export crops that compete with the production of yams. One final reason is that land is easier to clear relative to the more thickly forested and wetter southern part of the country. For all of these reasons, large amounts of surplus yams are shipped from the Middle Belt to the three major deficit areas of Yorubaland, Hausaland, and Igboland.

The economic geography of the kola nut also illustrates regional specialization of production. The case of the kola nut also illustrates more pronounced regional concentration of consumption as well. The kola nut grows on trees that are raised almost exclusively in the southwestern part of the country. Here rainfall is sufficient and suitable sedimentary soils are common. While the kola nut is almost exclusively grown in the two states of Ogun and Oyo, its major market is in northern Nigeria. The kola nut is particularly popular among the Hausa people, so much so that the kola nut is often referred to as the "Hausa kola." The kola is popular mainly because it is a stimulant, similar to caffeine in American society.

Market gardening provides another example of regional economic specialization. This type of agriculture refers to the production of fruits and vegetables that are typically perishable. Because many fruits and vegetables require a more temperate growing environment, market gardening is concentrated in regions of higher altitude like the Jos Plateau and the Obudu Plateau. Just like the United States, market gardening is also common around large urban areas. Although these peri-urban locations are typically less suited to produce fruits and vegetables, they have the major advantage of being close to their market. This is important because transportation and perishability are critical problems for many market farmers in Nigeria.

These three examples indicate the national character of the Nigerian economy. The economy as a whole is not simply organized around local consumption and production. As the next section shows, however, local economies remain a vital part of Nigeria’s economic geography. This includes small urban neighborhoods and small villages and towns alike.

Local economic networks and patterns

The key point of emphasis in this section is that local economic networks are often mediated by local and regional culture and by an individual’s kinship and ethnic ties. Just like in the United States, whom you know and who you are (i.e. your age, gender, ethnicity, etc.), is important in influencing the economic opportunities you will have. In many parts of rural Nigeria, kinship and village affiliation influence a person’s ability to access land for farming. If a person is an outsider within a particular village, he or she may not be able to get good access to farmland. As noted before, most Muslim women of childbearing age are confined to their homes for much of the week. This influences different patterns of economic activity, including patterns of child labor.

Even in places such as the city of Kano in northern Nigeria, where local Muslim norms demand the seclusion of wives in their homes, some women have turned this into an advantage by using their free time to establish flourishing businesses in their homes, using their sons and daughters as retail agents.

The use of child labor, however, raises questions of deep concern. Particularly troubling are cases where the education of children is hindered by their work.

In this section on local economies, a few words should be said about the organization of rural household production. To begin with, the household is the main unit of the rural economy. The household sometimes includes more than just a man, a woman and their children. Polygynous households contain multiple wives. Members of the extended family may also be included in the household "compound." Members of the household contribute to agricultural production according to a division of labor. Divisions of labor are often based on both gender and age. Certain tasks, like weeding or water collection might be set aside as women’s work, while other jobs like clearing of land might be set aside for men. Children also help with farm work. Another dimension of household economy is that reciprocal work relations often exist between related households. For example, one household may provide collective labor for its relatives (e.g. a cousin’s household) in exchange for similar labor. These informal social exchanges are also often rewarded with feasts and drinking at the end of the day. Reciprocal work relations have been eroding in parts of Nigeria, however, and it is not clear if these relations of agricultural production will persist into the future.

It is important to note that not all work in rural areas is performed for the household. Individuals possess some control over their own land and labor resources, although collective duties usually come first. For example, women might have rights to small plots of land on which they produce cash crops for the market.

Another aspect of local economies is the seasonal movement of people. Most seasonal migrants originate in rural areas. They migrate to both cities and other rural areas for economic reasons. While only one or two household members may be involved in this activity, the earnings gained from this seasonal movement may be critical to the economic support of the household. These migrants are typically young males, but women and older persons also engage in seasonal migrant labor. In northern Nigeria, seasonal migration is regularized to the cycles of wet and dry seasons. It is the dry season, when agricultural work is minimal, when most migrants head for urban areas or large farms in southern Nigeria. This activity also takes pressure off the household supply of food.

Another important institution of rural-urban linkage is the hometown association.

Hometown associations, which link urban residents to people from their home villages, are important institutions of economic development. Money and resources generally flow from urban members to those from their hometown, which is usually a smaller town or rural area. These associations are important because they counter some of the historical urban biases of development that have favored cities over the countryside. Associations provide for development projects like water supply, school construction, and other critical services that the government is often incapable or unwilling to provide. Hometown associations also provide a social safety net for new urban immigrants. These geographically based associations provide new migrants with resources and social networks in their new and often hostile urban environment.

Conclusion

This essay has discussed elements of Nigeria’s economic geography. It has been organized around different scales of analysis. It began with a look at Nigeria’s place in the global economy, including a discussion of Nigeria’s poor level of economic development. This section also addressed the growing marginalization of Nigeria and Africa within the global economic system. The essay then moved into a discussion of Nigerian regional development. It closed with a look at local economic dynamics. In concluding this essay, an important point to remember and emphasize is that these different scales of analysis should not operate independently of each other. When individuals confront economic realities, they cannot conveniently separate the world into neat, geographic scales. When events in other parts of the world change (e.g. the price of oil falls dramatically), this may impact the local and regional economic activities of Nigerians. Nigerians are not unique in this way. We all live in a geographically complex world where events and processes that occur at one geographic scale often affect activities at a different scale.

Web Resources on Economic Geography